Tuesday, March 19, 2013

Iraq, The Nation and more (C.I.)

Ann needed a night off so you've got me (C.I.) tonight.

I know Tom Hayden and have for years.  I've praised him, I've slapped him down.  And online . . .  the same.  But . . .

The Nation didn't get a mention in today's snapshot.  It didn't deserve one.  But I got ten calls from friends (two with The Nation) asking about this piece for the magazine.

I don't work for The Nation, so why is everyone asking me if The Nation fact checks? Especially two who work for it?

Tom wrote or dictated this part:

In October 2007, old New Leftists like Marilyn Katz and Carl Davidson finally found a respectable speaker for their Chicago peace rally: state Senator Barack Obama. Months later, Obama won all-white Iowa on his pledge to oppose the Iraq War. He was the first president elected on platform of withdrawing our troops during a war.


It's not an accident.  He says "months later" so clearly he thinks professional losers (and political closet cases)  Marilyn Katz (hey, Mary!) and Carl Davidson (who never had a cute phase)  really did get Barack to speak at an October 2007 rally and then "months later, Obama won all-white Iowa on his pledge" -- okay, I'm worried about Tom.  That's not being a smart ass.  I can be a smart ass.  There's no "Tom-Tom" or any of that in my comment.  I am worried about him.

But I am bothered by The Nation.  No one caught that.  The speech was in October 2002.  Tom may have been having a bad day -- we all do -- and I hope that's all it was.  But the magazine should have caught it.

He is one of four (brief) contributors to a piece on Iraq. 

Jodie Evans is and always will be a joke.  Jodi, I'm still waiting for the Tab.  (Years ago, when she was a gopher for Jerry Brown, she couldn't even carry those duties out correctly.  She went on to marry into money -- which she spent too freely.  But she's learning to budget finally.) So we'll ignore Jodie's nonsense.

Two more people continue.  It's worthless.  In one, don't be a radical! is the message.  In another, it's just junk.

This piece by many (signed by many, Phyllis Bennis wrote the bulk of it) at least touches on Iraq today.  But it's factually challenged and compromised by the inclusion of the Cult of St. Barack.

And that's all The Nation had for us.

Katrina vanden Heuvel is the editor and publisher and co-owner of The Nation. 

She's also a real disappointment.

She wouldn't cover war resisters and when called out on it fell back on the Smith Act.  If The Nation really got behind war resisters, Katrina declared, it would risk losing the magazine.  And she'd put a lot of money into the magazine to get to be editor and publisher.

She used to soil her panties all the time as a young child (but not so young that her peers were doing the same) and maybe that was a clue to what she'd do to The Nation?

Probably so.

She partyied her way into a column at the Washington Post that she's in serious danger of losing.  Hilarious.  See her writing is rather simplistic and not up to journalistic standards.  And a lot of people at the paper were wondering why she was needed on the roster or why, with The Nation publishing her, she needed the paper?

Then she took part in the organized attack on Bob Woodward and friends of Bob's at the paper made clear that Katrina and her simplistic, 4th grade level columns need to go.  Management tends to agree.

So hopefully, Katrina will soon be sent back to writing just for The Nation.

They made a lot of money off the Iraq War and increased their circulation.  (They have lost two-thirds of the paid readers they had in 2005, I was told on the phone today by a friend with the magazine.)

Now it's the tenth anniversary and they offer two articles.  One the brief jottings of four people, the other a group signed statement.

That's typical Katrina. 

So were flirtations with married men and I've often wondered if that's why she's hated Hillary so much for so long?

Hillary Clinton's husband (Bill) was caught cheating.  Hillary didn't walk.  That's a choice and she and Bill worked to make the marriage stronger, so good for them.

But I guess that was a slap in the face to a woman like Katrina.  That would explain the crap she so regularly offers.  A former Nation writer (not mentioned above) called me today about the "bitchy" (his characterization)  article Tara McKelvey wrote on Hillary:


During Clinton’s tenure, for example, expanded US counter-terrorism operations have made parts of the countries where she was attempting to help women, such as Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas, more volatile. Pakistani Ambassador Rehman is a fan of Clinton’s, but she has denounced the US drone program, which is “creating an entire community of future recruits and radicalizing people who were standing up against militancy and terrorists.” Rehman refuses to talk about the role Clinton has played in expanding the drone program, but those efforts have been well documented.

Wait?  Hillary was President of the United States?  How did I miss that?

Oh, wait. she wasn't.  But The Nation can't criticize Barack so they had to get in one last "blame Hillary" piece.  Hillary has nothing to do with the Drones.  Barack is over them as commander in chief. 

The Nation always hopes their readers are stupid or willing to play stupid.  That's why the magazine that did the impossible (add readers when all other publications were losing them -- paid readers) is now sliding into obscurity.

If you're not getting how bad McKelvey's article is, this comment to it summed it up:


AmericanWoman1964
Despite how this writer feels about the way Hillary pulls of nail polish and lipstick.... Id like to see any former President measure up to her lipstick and nails. Scrutinizing a public servant over sex appeal stinks of cheap beer and pork rinds.


And the entire article stinks.



Here's today's "Iraq snapshot:"

 
Tuesday, March 19, 2013.  Chaos and violence continue, the Iraq War was about oil and energy, the US State Dept will reduce its presence in Iraq, Human Rights Watch questions the US involvement (ongoing) in counter-insurgency/counter-terrorism 'missions' that are harmful to the Iraqi people, and more.

Is today the 10th anniversary of the war or tomorrow?  The 19th or the 20th?  Suzanne Goldberg (Guardian) reported the 19th in real time ("War On Iraq Begins").  John Donnelly and Marcella Bombardieri (Boston Globe) also reported in real time, March 20th, "The United States and its allies began the war against Iraq with targeted strikes just before daybreak today in Baghdad at sites that Delta Force commandos believed . . ."  ("Iraq War Begins").  And Wikipeida?  In their "Iraq War" entry they note, "It is usually dated to begin with the invasion of Ba'athist Iraq starting on 20 March 2003 by an invasion force . . ."; however, in their "2003 invasion of Iraq," they open with, "The 2003 invasion of Iraq lasted from 19 March 2003 to 1 May 2003, and signaled . . ."  According to the White House documents, Bully Boy Bush announced the start of the war to the American people in a broadcast that began March 19th at 10:16 p.m. EST.  I didn't listen to Bully Boy when he occupied the Oval Office, why should I now?  We'll continue to treat the 20th as the anniversary.

Others won't and that's fine.  Senator Patty Murray's office issued a statement today about the Iraq War:

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Tuesday, March 19, 2013
CONTACT: Murray Press Office
(202) 224-2834

Senator Murray's Statement on 10-Year Anniversary of the Iraq War

(Washington, D.C.) – Today, U.S. Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) released the following statement marking the ten-year anniversary of the war in Iraq.
“Like all Americans who recall the horrific events of September 11, 2001, I will never forget the fear and destruction our nation endured on that day. I will always remember the way Americans came together – across regions and political lines – with courage and commitment to support our men and women in uniform who didn’t think twice before stepping up to protect our nation.
“Unfortunately, the focus on locating and destroying terrorist organizations that brought such devastation upon our nation was diverted for too long by the war in Iraq, a war I opposed and voted against authorizing. After nine years of pressing for a responsible end to military operations in the country, I was pleased when the last American troops finally left Iraq on December 18, 2011.
“While I did not support the decision to enter into this conflict, I have made it my priority over the last decade to ensure the costs – both visible and invisible – are not forgotten. Today’s solemn anniversary must serve as a reminder that our work has just begun. We must not waver on our duty to serve those who have served. From education assistance and employment, to bringing down VA wait times and curbing the tragic epidemics of suicide and military sexual trauma – the completion of the war in Iraq does not signal the end to this work.
“I could not be more proud of our servicemembers from Washington state and across America who served and sacrificed honorably in Iraq, and continue to do so in Afghanistan. And as long as there are men and women in our Armed Forces serving in harm’s way, I remain committed to ensuring their well-being both on and off the battlefield.” 
###


---
Meghan Roh
Press Secretary | New Media Director
Office of U.S. Senator Patty Murray
Mobile: (202) 365-1235
Office: (202) 224-2834


Murray tells Mike Baker (AP) today, "When we decide to go to war, we have to consciously be also thinking about the cost."  By contrast, former US-Senator and adviser to US President Barack Obama (he co-chaired Barack's Deficit Committee) Alan Simpson tells Baker that veterans should have to prove ("affluence-test") they need any money they receive from the government.  Murray serves on the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee and was the Chair of the Senate Veterans Affairs Committee until this year when she became Chair of the Senate Budget Committee.  The State Dept had no official statement to offer (we will note a response to questions in today's briefing later in the snapshot).  If they had, it would have been incumbent upon them to mention the Iraqi people.  The same way it would have been incumbent upon President Barack Obama to.  Barack did issue a statement today.  Whether than note it, we'll note a reaction to it from Iraqi journalist Mina al-Oraibi.


White House just released Obama statement on Iraq anniversary - not a word on Iraqi people, their suffering, losses, hopes etc
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In Iraq, those weren't fireworks going off today to celebrate 'liberation' brought by the Iraq War.  No, RTE notes, "A dozen car bombs and suicide blasts have targeted Shia districts around Baghdad, killing more than 65 people and injuring dozens more."  Adam Schreck (AP) also goes with 65 deaths.  In the video to Peter Beaumont (Guardian -- link is text and video) reports, a survivor says, "Innocent people were having breakfast and all of a sudden a car bomb went off.  You can see the damage, houses were demolished.  Can God accept that?"

AFP offers, "In all, at least 15 car bombs were set off, including two by suicide attackers, along with multiple roadside bombs and gun attacks, officials said."  BBC News says "at least 50" dead and "about 100" wounded.  As with most bombings which leave many injured, the death toll may increase as the day goes on.  RTT lists the targeted as "mainly car bombs, targeted restaurants, bus stations, markets and gatherings of daily laborers in the Shia-dominated Baghdad neighborhoods."  AP, The Voice of Russia and the Telegraph of London all report the death toll has already risen to 56.


Colin Freeman (Telegraph of London) quotes Reuters quoting cab driver Al Radi stating, "I was driving my taxi and suddenly I felt my car rocked.  Smoke was all around.  I saw two bodies on the ground.  People were running and shouting everywhere."  Elena Ralli (New Europe) provides this context, "Last Thursday more than 20 people were killed in a series of bomb and gun attacks in the capital Baghdad. Moreover, on Sunday, a car bomb near the city of Basra in southern Iraq has killed another 10 people and wounded many others."  NINA notes that one of the Baghdad bombs was near the entrance of the Green Zone near Sirwan restaurant and that, as a result, all the roads leading into the Green Zone have been closed and more checkpoints set up to inspect those entering the Green Zone by foot.  Mohammed Tawfeeq and Joe Sterling (CNN) report, "In Tuesday's violence, car bombs rocked Baghdad neighborhoods long engulfed in conflict, like Shulaa and Kadhimiya. They struck Mustansiriya University in eastern Baghdad and the fortified International Zone, also known as the Green Zone, where the city's international presence is concentrated. They hit cities north and south of the capital as well. Authorities defused four car bombs in the southern city of Basra."



No, Baghdad wasn't the only location for violence today.  All Iraq News reports a Mosul home invasion -- the home of local candidate Wajih al-Jihaishi -- and the home invasion left his son injured,  chieftain Nadhim Mahmoud al-Bijari was shot dead outside his Mosul home, a Mosul sticky bombing left two people injured, and a Babel suicide bomber targeted the Iraqi army headquarters killing 2 soldiers and injuring nine more.  Alsumaria reports a Mosul suicide bomber claimed the life of a police commander and three of his bodyguards.  National Iraqi News Agency reports a Ramadi roadside bombing left one police officer injured, two Kirkuk bombings left two police officers injured, Major Ahmed al-Fahdawi was stabbed to death by one of his bodyguards in Khalidiyah City,  an armed attack in Tuz Khurmatu left 2 people dead and four more wounded, an "intelligence element" was killed by a Mosul bombing, a late afternoon Mosul bombing killed 3 people and left five more injured, a Hilla car bombing left 8 dead and sixteen injured, and a Tikrit roadside bombing claimed the life of 1 police officer.



Prashant Rao:  . . . it is an incredibly violent place.  We're still talking about 200 people dying on a monthly basis in enormous attacks.  I mean, you said earlier 50-something people died today [in Baghdad] in just one day.  This is an incredibly high level of violence.  And the one thing about the surge that, you know, sort of critics of it will say, it did reduce the levels of violence.  That, I don't think anybody questions.  But the strategic goal of political reconciliation that is -- never really happened.  And, as your correspondent said, a lot of people here blame the politicians for the violence.  And the lack of political reconciliation, I think, is something that could be tied directly to that.



That's AFP's Prashant Rao speaking on France 24's Debate today.  With luck, we'll note more from that later this week in the snapshots.  But it is worth noting that French media presented a debate on Iraq today.  As opposed to the crap you might have caught on what passes in the US for the evening news.


Today's violence must be thrilling Nouri  because it prevents the media from focusing on what Al Mada picks up: United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon wrote that the UN was prevented from entering the prisons and detention centers to check on the prisoners -- prevented by by the Ministry of the Interior.  Nouri heads that ministry as a result of his refusing to nominated someone to be the head of it and have Parliament confirm the candidate.  This is a power-grab and Iraqiya rightly called it that in January 2011.  In his report, Ban Ki-moon notes:

UNAMI has not been granted access to detention centres under the authority of the Interior Ministry.  Many detainees and prisoners interviewed by UNAMI in Ministry of Justice facilities and family members of persons held in detention centres under the Interior Ministry have alleged abuse, mistreatment and, at times, torture by authorities.



On Nouri's power-grab, Ambassador  Feisal Amin Rasoul al-Istrabadi (Deputy Permanent Representative of Iraq to the UN from 2004-2007) writes for Project-Syndicate:

Indeed, Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has largely succeeded in concentrating power in his own hands. He has created a network of military and security forces that report directly to him, often outside the legal command structure. He has intimidated the judiciary into ignoring institutional checks on his power, so that constitutionally independent agencies, such as the electoral commission and the central bank, are now under his direct control.
Moreover, Maliki has used the criminal courts to silence his political opponents. Iraq’s Sunni vice president is a fugitive in Turkey, with multiple death sentences rendered against him for alleged terrorist activities, though the judgments were based on the confessions of bodyguards who had been tortured (one died during the “investigation”). An arrest warrant has now been issued against the former finance minister, also a Sunni, on similar charges.


In other news of Nouri's aggression, Zhu Ningzhu (Xinhua) reports, "The Iraqi cabinet on Tuesday decided to postpone the provincial elections in the Sunni provinces of Anbar and Nineveh for a maximum period of six months due to deterioration in security across the country, an Iraqi official television reported."  AFP reports it too.  Neither notes reality.

First reality, look at the above and explain why Baghdad Province would have elections?  I'm sorry if Nouri's excuse is too much violence, Baghdad's pretty violent.  This isn't about violence, this is about punishing the protesters.


Second, the Cabinet did not vote.  Alsumaria reports Moqtada al-Sadr has already announced his opposition to cancelling the votes and says that it is not permissable and compares the injustice to the founding of a second tyrant and dictator.  Looks like Nouri's going to have to lose the "Little Saddam" moniker and just be "New Saddam."  NINA adds that the vote was taken in a session that the Kurds and Iraqiya weren't present at.


Liz Sly has covered Iraq for many publications and currently covers Syria (and sometimes Iraq) for the Washington Post.  She Tweets today to note journalists reflecting on Iraq:

Lovely account of the challenges of covering Iraq under Saddam and now, by the one who knows best:
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View summary




Robert Parry emerges today with an essay.  Link goes to OpEd News, we don't link to Consortium News -- Parry's own site.  Parry, the challenged AP reporter who made himself a laughingstock in DC with wild-eyed conspiracy theories decades ago -- wants a scalp, specifically Fred Hiatt of the Washington Post.  He wants Hiatt fired and rages in a way that's actually funny.  Parry considers himself a truther but all he's done in the last four years is launch sexist attacks on Hillary Clinton and spit polish Colin Powell's image -- an image he knows is a lie -- working with Norman Solomon in the 90s, Parry documented it as a lie.  But Colin's boy-pal Lawrence Wilkerson comes along and Parry pretends like the 90s never happened.  Was Hiatt one sided?  Maybe so.  If you think so and you think that's a problem, then maybe you expand in your own outlet?  If you want to hold Hiatt accountable, that's fine and dandy.  Hold him up for ridicule.  But he's not the only one, is he?  Cynthia Tucker and the so-called Center for Public Integrity are two more that we were just addressing this morning.  They are far from the only ones.

If it was just one person, Bully Boy Bush would have been impeached, would be on trial for War Crimes.  But our desire to reduce it all to one bad guy?  It's not truthful.

Just like it's not truthful to claim -- as some outlets have in the last seven days -- that the Iraq War didn't benefit American companies.  First off, as we've stated many times before (here for an example), they're multi-national.  This isn't the 1940s.  They have no obligations to the United States -- Congress and their boards have seen to that.  It's why they don't care that the jobs go overseas.  It was a natural resource war that opened markets.  Antonia Juhasz (CNN) explains:

Yes, the Iraq War was a war for oil, and it was a war with winners: Big Oil.
It has been 10 years since Operation Iraqi Freedom's bombs first landed in Baghdad. And while most of the U.S.-led coalition forces have long since gone, Western oil companies are only getting started.
Before the 2003 invasion, Iraq's domestic oil industry was fully nationalized and closed to Western oil companies. A decade of war later, it is largely privatized and utterly dominated by foreign firms.

In 2000, the Council on Foreign Relations and the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University put forward "Strategic Energy Policy Challenges for the 21st Century:"


For many decades the United States has not had a comprehensive energy policy. Now, the consequences of this complacency have revealed themselves in California. Now, there could be more California-like situations in America’s future. President George W. Bush and his administration need to tell these agonizing truths to the American people and lay the basis for a comprehensive, long-term U.S. energy security policy.
That Americans face long-term situations such as frequent sporadic shortages of energy, energy price volatility, and higher energy prices is not the fault of President Bush. The failure to fashion a workable energy policy rests at the feet of both Democrats and Republicans. Both major political parties allowed energy policy to drift despite its centrality to America’s domestic economy and to national security. Energy policy was permitted to drift even though oil price spikes preceded virtually every American recession since the late 1940s. The American people must know about this situation and be told as well that there are no easy or quick solutions to today’s energy problems. The president has to begin educating the public about this reality and start building a broad base of popular support for the hard policy choices ahead.
This executive summary and the full report address the following questions. What are the potential effects of the critical energy situation for the United States? How did this critical energy situation arise? What are the U.S. policy options to deal with the energy situation? What should the United States do now?


Energy has long been a concern of presidents.  November 25, 1973, Tricky Dick Nixon took a little break from breaking various laws to address the nation about the energy policies:


As we reduce gasoline supplies, we must act to insure that the remaining gasoline available is used wisely and conserved to the fullest possible extent.
Therefore, as a second step, I am asking tonight that all gasoline filling stations close down their pumps between 9 p.m. Saturday night and midnight Sunday every weekend, beginning December 1. We are requesting that this step be taken voluntarily now.
Upon passage of the emergency energy legislation before the Congress, gas stations will be required to close during these hours. This step should not result in any serious hardship for any American family. It will, however, discourage long-distance driving during weekends. It will mean perhaps spending a little more time at home.
This savings alone is only a small part of what we have to conserve to meet the total gasoline shortage. We can achieve substantial additional savings by altering our driving habits. While the voluntary response to my request for reduced driving speeds has been excellent, it is now essential 'that we have mandatory and full compliance with this important step on a nationwide basis.
And therefore, the third step will be the establishment of a maximum speed limit for automobiles of 50 miles per hour nationwide as soon as our emergency energy legislation passes the Congress. We expect that this measure will produce a savings of 200,000 barrels of gasoline per day. Intercity buses and heavy-duty trucks, which operate more efficiently at higher speeds and therefore do not use more gasoline, will be permitted to observe a 55 mile-per-hour speed limit.
The fourth step we are taking involves our jet airliners. There will be a phased reduction of an additional 15 percent in the consumption of jet fuel for passenger flights bringing the total reduction to approximately 25 percent.
These savings will be achieved. by a careful reduction in schedules, combined with an increase in passenger loads. We will not have to stop air travel, but we will have to plan for it more carefully.
The fifth step involves cutting back on outdoor lighting. As soon as the emergency energy legislation passes the Congress, I shall order the curtailment of ornamental outdoor lighting for homes and the elimination of all commercial lighting except that which identifies places of business.
In the meantime, we are already planning right here at the White House to curtail such lighting that we would normally have at Christmastime, and I am asking that all of you act now on a voluntary basis to reduce or eliminate unnecessary lighting in your homes.


The speech, when remembered today, is remembered largely for Nixon telling people to turn their thermostat's down six degrees (it was winter, the issue was the use of energy for heating).  'Wear a sweater' was what Jimmy Carter's February 2, 1977 speech was reduced to.  Sitting in the White House next to a burning fire place, Carter declared:


The extremely cold weather this winter has dangerously depleted our supplies of natural gas and fuel oil and forced hundreds of thousands of workers off the job. I congratulate the Congress for its quick action on the Emergency Natural Gas Act, which was passed today and signed just a few minutes ago. But the real problem—our failure to plan for the future or to take energy conservation seriously—started long before this winter, and it will take much longer to solve.

I realize that many of you have not believed that we really have an energy problem. But this winter has made all of us realize that we have to act.

Now, the Congress has already made many of the preparations for energy legislation. Presidential assistant Dr. James Schlesinger is beginning to direct an effort to develop a national energy policy. Many groups of Americans will be involved. On April 20, we will have completed the planning for our energy program and will immediately then ask the Congress for its help in enacting comprehensive legislation.

Our program will emphasize conservation. The amount of energy being wasted which could be saved is greater than the total energy that we are importing from foreign countries. We will also stress development of our rich coal reserves in an environmentally sound way; we will emphasize research on solar energy and other renewable energy sources; and we will maintain strict safeguards on necessary atomic energy production.




Energy concerns pre-date Bully Boy Bush.   After the Supreme Court installed Bush and Cheney into the White House following a disputed election that, if no recounts were done, should have been decided by the Congress, not the unelected Supreme Court, Dick Cheney started his energy task force -- a task force that met in secret and that he didn't want the public to know about.  Right-wing watchdog Judicial Watch sued -- along with the Sierra Club -- and, due to a court order, the Commerce Dept was forced to turn over some documents from the Cheney Energy Task force which included "a map of Iraqi oilfields, pipelines, refineries and terminals, as well as 2 charts detailing Iraqi oil and gas projects, and Foreign Suitors for Iraqi Oilfield Contracts.  The documents, which are dated March 2001 [. . . .]."  The documents were turned over in July of 2003, after the Iraq War started.  The fact that they prompted no intense media discussions goes to the fact that they weren't really that surprising.  Project Censored did take it seriously and noted:


Documented plans of occupation and exploitation predating September 11 confirm heightened suspicion that U.S. policy is driven by the dictates of the energy industry. According to Judicial Watch President, Tom Fitton, “These documents show the importance of the Energy Task Force and why its operations should be open to the public.”
When first assuming office in early 2001, President Bush’s top foreign policy priority was not to prevent terrorism or to curb the spread of weapons of mass destruction-or any of the other goals he espoused later that year following 9-11. Rather, it was to increase the flow of petroleum from suppliers abroad to U.S. markets. In the months before he became president, the United States had experienced severe oil and natural gas shortages in many parts of the country, along with periodic electrical power blackouts in California. In addition, oil imports rose to more than 50% of total consumption for the first time in history, provoking great anxiety about the security of the country’s long-term energy supply. Bush asserted that addressing the nation’s “energy crisis” was his most important task as president.
The energy turmoil of 2000-01 prompted Bush to establish a task force charged with developing a long-range plan to meet U.S. energy requirements. With the advice of his close friend and largest campaign contributor, Enron CEO, Ken Lay, Bush picked Vice President Dick Cheney, former Halliburton CEO, to head this group. In 2001 the Task Force formulated the National Energy Policy (NEP), or Cheney Report, bypassing possibilities for energy independence and reduced oil consumption with a declaration of ambitions to establish new sources of oil.



We could include Wolfowitz here but I think he's better for another topic so let's go to 2007 when Peter Beaumont and Joanna Walters (Observer) report the following:


The man once regarded as the world's most powerful banker has bluntly declared that the Iraq war was 'largely' about oil.Appointed by Ronald Reagan in 1987 and retired last year after serving four presidents, Alan Greenspan has been the leading Republican economist for a generation and his utterings instantly moved world markets.
In his long-awaited memoir - out tomorrow in the US - Greenspan, 81, who served as chairman of the US Federal Reserve for almost two decades, writes: 'I am saddened that it is politically inconvenient to acknowledge what everyone knows: the Iraq war is largely about oil.'


After the publication of Greenspan's book, Bob Woodward (Washington Post) interviewed him and reported, "Greenspan said disruption of even 3 to 4 million barrels a day could translate into oil prices as high as $120 a barrel -- far above even the recent highs of $80 set last week -- and the loss of anything more would mean 'chaos' to the global economy."  A year later, as Patrick Martin (WSWS) noted, then GOP presidential candidate John McCain would declare, "My friends, I will have an energy policy that we will be talking about, which will eliminate our dependence on oil from the Middle East.  That will prevent us from having ever to send our young men and women into conflict again in the Middle East."

It was a resource war.  It became part of the national energy policy.  And the reason Bully Boy Bush hasn't been punished is that, for all the fuming, it's not just Republicans.  Many Democrats were on board.  And many outlets were as well.  The people were largely 'shielded' from the truth for various reasons but that's what the Iraq War was about.  Even before the illegal war started, there were people who rightly noted that it would be a war for oil.  But those voices were mocked and silenced.  And a large number of people who heard those voices chose not to believe that 'my country' could do such a thing.

It's that segment that the shielding was necessary for.  Those of us against the war were going to protest regardless.  But 'settling on a reason,' as Paul Wolfowitz put it to Vanity Fair in May 2003, was about selling the Iraq War and building support for it.  There is a chance that they could have built support for it honestly.  They could have tried to fire up the country in a "We will have this oil!" type of manner.  Marauders have existed historically for decades.  The Danish marauders (that would be the Vikings), for example, attacked England beginning in 793.  And maybe there would have been support in the US for the attack on Iraq if the administration had chosen to sell it as, "We'll have the oil we need!"  And maybe in England and Australia as well -- where Tony Blair and John Howard were pulling their armies into the war.  But the danger then would not be domestic.  The danger then would be that the world would not just condemn but declare war on the US, the UK and Australia.  Because without the lie of 'liberation' -- without that noble lie that Plato established the need for in The Republic -- invading Iraq for oil is just a crime. "An illegitimate act of aggression," as Kamrul Idris (New Strait Times) notes the Malaysian government called it in real time.

Whether Hans Blix (former UN weapons inspector) was getting at this or not in his interview with Renee Montagne (NPR's Morning Edition, link is audio and text) today, the words fit here:


I mean, we know that in politics people have to simplify and there's a certain amount of spin, and we accept that. But when it comes to building the basis for such things as sending soldiers into the field, I think you demand more than just simple spin that you have in day-to-day politics.
And I think that the politicians who took part have smarted from that, and rightly, because it was somewhat frivolous, I think what they - bad judgment. I have not said that they were in bad faith. But I think they showed poor judgment and they certainly did not exercise critical thinking that they should have done before sending Iraq to war and Americans in the field.


A lot of Democrats and a lot of Republicans were in on this and made a practical decision.  Not all.  Some like Senator Patty Murray and Russ Feingold were firmly against the war.  Some like, to offer a Republican and someone who did vote for the war, Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison honestly believed there were chemical weapons -- she spent the weeks before the start of the war addressing that topic in a variety of forums as she insisted the Pentagon needed to provide the military with better equipment for the chemical attack she feared was coming.  But most politicians and most outlets knew this was not about chemical weapons or anything but grabbing the oil.  That's why there's been no Congressional investigation into the Iraq War despite the fact that it was based on lies.  That's why the US media cares so little about Iraq.

So many events led up to Iraq.  There was the national energy policy, there was the oil, there was Enron which spooked people domestically, there was the 9-11 attack (which Iraq had nothing to do with) that for the first time made some Americans believe there was a problem.  But we didn't explore the problem, we didn't discuss it and we didn't address it.  Those who tried to were demonized.  And if you're on the left and just puffed your chest out, stop it.  Did you do a damn thing when the same type of b.s. was pulled on Bob Woodward?  No?  Didn't think so.  You're as quick to use the same methods as your political opponents. 

The demonization is really important.  And let's clarify.  Robert Parry today is not demonizing Fred Hiatt.  He's critiquing him and he can use any tone he wants for that.  But when Media Matters and others decide that the play for the day is attack Bob Woodward, that's demonization.  When you're rushing to join the public stoning of someone, that's demonization.  Your goal is not just to discredit them, your goal is not just to shut them up.  Your goal is to bloody them and put their head on a spike in the public sphere so no one will ever 'transgress' again.  Under Bush, it was done to Susan Sontag, to the Dixie Chicks. to Cynthia McKinney and many more.  And let's be clear that it wasn't just done by the right.  The right's demonized Jane Fonda for years.  It hasn't stopped her career.  For the demonizing to be effective, people from across the aisle have to join in.  So, with Cynthia McKinney, you saw The Nation magazine not defend her but ridicule for her hair.  I wonder what the token African-American columnists at The Nation think of that?  There was only one when McKinney was ridiculed and she never said a word.  I believe they have three now.  Any of them want to reflect on that?  Under Barack, the demonization continues because neither side knows how to create, they know only how to copy and a copy of a copy of a copy of a copy . . . becomes less and less authentic -- which is what the American people are beginning to wake up to.

They could have woken up to a new world, one where Americans were as informed about the world as others.  Instead, it was refuse to address what might anger people and instead use the shock of "We were attacked" to instill fear and to take that fear of al Qaeda and transfer to Afghanistan and Iraq and the whole 'Axis of Evil.'  A people afraid will support nearly anything -- for an example, see the US PATRIOT Act. 

If Fred Hiatt were guilty of all Robert Parry thinks he is, I would say, "And your point is?"  Because is there some larger point here or are we again to the fact that you were a DC based Big Media journalist whose career imploded and the Post and the Graham family owned Newsweek which fired you? 

Politicians and journalists and media owners who considered themselves 'realists' saw the war for oil as necessary.  If Parry wants to connect Hiatt to that group, go for it.  Otherwise, what's the point?  Hiatt's hired to oversee and participate in opinion.  Parry's written an indictment against Hiatt which fails to indict.  Hiatt captured the White House message?  Well, that's one of the tasks he was hired for, to convey that to the public.  I don't think a lot of people will get bent out of shape by that. 

[I didn't then and don't now read the Post editorials.  If I quote one here, it's because a friend pointed it out.  I don't read any columnist regularly these days.  Before the site started, I religiously read Molly Ivins -- and continued reading her up to her last column, Maureen Dowd -- who I have criticized and who I have praised here and at Third, Ruth Rosen, Bob Herbert and Robert Scheer.  In terms of newspaper columnists, that was generally it.  I read newspapers for the 'reports' and get more than enough opinion in those.  I'm referring to physical newspapers in these bracketed sentences -- that you hold in your hands -- and not including online reading.] 


Seumas Milne has an article at the Guardian worth reading that's related to this but I want to emphasize it tomorrow when we pull Paul Wolfowitz's remarks into this.

A last word on Robert Parry's nonsense.  We stayed with his theme.  Had I the time, I'd offer an extensive fact check on his details and examples -- Parry's gotten very loose with the facts.  We'll offer one example.  Parry writes:


In June 2005, for instance, the Washington Post decided to ignore the release of the "Downing Street Memo" in the British press. The "memo" -- actually minutes of a meeting of British Prime Minister Tony Blair and his national security team on July 23, 2002 -- recounted the words of MI6 chief Richard Dearlove who had just returned from discussions with his intelligence counterparts in Washington.



The paper ignored the memo until June?  That's not accurate.  It's also not accurate to suggest that Hiatt, editor of the editorial page, is responsible for the entire paper.   March 10th, at Third, we wrote "Editorial: Today we're all Michael Kinsley?:"

In America, the Downing Street Memo was initially and largely ignored.

There were exceptions.  We certainly covered it here in this community.  Probably more than any other person or outlet, David Swanson covered it.  But in terms of the press, there were columnists like Molly Ivins and Helen Thomas and reporters like Walter Pincus (Washington Post).  Warren P. Stroble and John Walcott (Knight Ridder Newspapers) summarized the memo, "A highly classified British memo, leaked in the midst of Britain's just-concluded election campaign, indicates that President Bush decided to overthrow Iraqi President Saddam Hussein by summer 2002 and was determined to ensure that U.S. intelligence data supported his policy."


The Walter Pincus link goes to a May 13, 2005 article by Walter Pincus entitled "British intelligence warned of Iraq War."  It's hard to claim that "in June 2005, for instance, the Washington Post decided to ignore the release of the 'Downing Street Memo' in the British press" when the Post had reported on it May 13, 2005.  There are many other mistakes.  There's also an error of understanding that goes to what we'll address tomorrow.  In the meantime, Hannah Allam (McClatchy Newspapers) offers a fact check today on media spin about Iraq.  Most of the US media wants to avoid Iraq in any significant terms.

Not unlike the State Dept.  10th anniversary, slammed with violence, so spokesperson Victoria Nuland (Dick Cheney's former Deputy Advisor on National Security) handled it like a hot potato:


QUESTION: Iraq?
MS. NULAND: Yeah.
QUESTION: Marking the 10th anniversary of the war today, the Iraqis marked that event with a barrage of bombardments all across the country – 60 people at least dead, 200 wounded. Would you say that the Iraq War is probably the biggest U.S. foreign policy blunder?
MS. NULAND: Said, I’m going to leave the judgments to – with regard to the larger issue to the historians to – Michael Gordon and company here. The President has spoken on the 10th anniversary of the Iraq War today. I spoke about our relationship with Iraq 10 years on about two days ago, or on Friday, about the progress that we’ve seen in Iraq, but about the work that we still need to see going forward.
With regard to events today, let me simply say that the United States strongly condemns the terrorist attacks today that targeted innocent men, women, and children throughout Iraq. This kind of senseless violence such as this tears at the fabric of Iraqi unity. Our condolences go out to the families of the victims. We will continue our efforts to work with the Government of Iraq to combat al-Qaida and other threats to peace and security and unity in the country. That is the basis of our strategic partnership with Iraq and all the work we do together on security, on economic development, on stability across the country. It’s still difficult, but extremely important.


And that was it.  Will anyone ever ask her what sort of advise she gave Cheney on invading Iraq?  No, of course not.



The US State Dept is decreasing their role in Iraq (I credit John Kerry) which is good news.  AFP quotes US Ambassador to Iraq Stephen Beecroft stating today, "A year ago, we were well above 16,000, now we're at 10,500. By the end of this year, we'll be at 5,500, including contractors."  This is good news.  Now losing more US property isn't and Congress will explore that in the House, I'm sure, and we'll cover it as we did last time and the US press will ignore all that emerges from the hearing -- as they did last time.  But it's good news because the State Dept doesn't need to get any more mixed up in the brutality that the US is a part of currently in Iraq with the CIA, FBI, counter-terrorism troops, Special Ops and others that remain.  (The State Dept is already in that mix, I said "doesn't need to get any more mixed up.")   Human Rights Watch notes today:


New information emerged as recently as early March 2013 indicating that the US government is pursuing a policy of engagement with Iraqi security forces accused of responsibility for torture and other abuses, with little if any consideration of accountability for those abuses. A Wall Street Journal report said that the CIA is “ramping up support” to the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service (CTS) to “better fight Al-Qaeda affiliates.”

“If correct, the report that the US intends to support the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service underscores the poor US record on addressing allegations of abuses by Iraqi security forces,” Whitson said. “The CTS, though accused of committing serious abuses against detainees, worked closely with US Special Forces before the US troop withdrawal in 2011.”

In 2011, Human Rights Watch reported former detainees’ allegations that the CTS had held them in secret jails and had tortured and committed other abuses against them. The alleged abuses included beatings, applying electric shocks to their genitals and other body parts, repeated partial asphyxiation with plastic bags until they passed out, and suspension by the ankles.

The US authorities should make public the nature of US military and intelligence agency cooperation with the CTS and other Iraqi security forces that are alleged to have committed serious abuses but have escaped accountability, Human Rights Watch said.  The US should also conduct public investigations into allegations of complicity of US military personnel and coalition forces in torture and other abuses by Iraqi security forces during the occupation and prosecute those responsible, including senior-level officials.



This will be covered again tomorrow because it fits in with counter-insurgency and Wolfowitz.



We'll close with this from the Feminist Majority Foundation:



FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
March 18, 2013
Contact: Kari Ross, 703-522-2214, kross@feminist.org
Jacqui Logan, 310-556-2500, jlogan@feminist.org
The Feminist Factor: More than Half of 2012 Women Voters Identify Themselves as Feminists
A newly released voter poll finds that feminists – not just women in general – were key to the 2012 election results: fully 55 percent of women voters self-identified as feminists.
Political pundits declared the day after the vote that women voters and the gender gap had decided the outcome. A poll of those women voters, conducted by Lake Research Partners for Ms. Magazine, the Feminist Majority Foundation and CCMC, documents the existence of a strong "The Feminist Factor."
That’s the title of an article in the current issue of Ms. Magazine by Ms. publisher Eleanor Smeal as part of the magazine’s observance of Women’s History Month.
“As we move forward after the elections of 2012, it’s time to acknowledge that it wasn't just women who made a critical different in reelecting President Barack Obama, but feminists,” Smeal wrote. She continued, “Now it’s time to add another metric beyond the gender gap to our post-election analysis: ‘the feminist factor.’”
The Feminist Factor, as outlined in the magazine, is the proportion of voters who self-identify as feminists across various demographics - by race, age, religion, region of the country and more – and their subsequent voting behavior.
Ms. Magazine has asked this question on voter polls since 2006.
Facts about the Feminist Factor in 2012:
  1. A majority of women voters, 55 percent, self-identified as feminists in 2012 when asked “Do you consider yourself to be a strong feminist, feminist, not a feminist or anti-feminist? When given the dictionary definition on a follow-up question, a super-majority of 68 percent said YES. The dictionary definition of a feminist is: “someone who supports political, economic and social equality for women.”

  2. The Feminist Factor is at an all-time high and has increased by 9 points since 2008. Charts on the Ms. website show trends over the years.
  3. Feminist Factor
  4. The Feminist Factor is especially strong among women in the emerging and expanding electorate of young women under 30, African-American women and Latinas.
Women under age 30
Self-described: 59% identify as feminist, 24% strongly
With definition: 73% identify as feminist, 31% strongly
African American women
Self-described: 66% identify as feminist, 33% strongly
With definition: 75% identify as feminist, 48% strongly
Latinas
Self-described: 71% identify as feminist, 27% strongly
With definition, 86% identify as feminist, 29% strongly
White women
Self-described: 52% identify as feminist, 15% strongly
With definition, 63% identify as feminist, 23% strongly
Feminist Factor
###
Eleanor Smeal, Publisher of Ms. and President of the Feminist Majority Foundation, and Kathy Spillar, Executive Editor of Ms. and Executive Vice President of the Feminist Majority Foundation are available for further interviews.
For more information about the voter poll, about men who consider themselves feminists and other break-outs from the results, contact: CCMC, Kathy Bonk kbonk@ccmc.org 202-258-6767 or Andrea Camp,acamp@ccmc.org (443) 851-1462.
You have received this e-mail because of your interest in promotions and Ms. magazine. To unsubscribe, please click here.
1600 Wilson Boulevard, Suite 801, Arlington, VA 22209 | 703.522.2214 | webmaster@feminist.org




























afp
prashant rao
liz sly

Monday, March 18, 2013

Hillary?

marital aid




That's Isaiah's The World Today Just Nuts "Marital Aid" from yesterday which also saw 
Kat's "Kat's Korner: Devendra's back, if you want him" and "Kat's Korner: Kate wants to talk"
so it was a busy weekend.

Today, Hillary Clinton is in the news for declaring her support for marriage equality.

I didn't realize it was an issue for her.  I mean was it a struggle?

If so, maybe we should be offended.

I don' t hate her but I do wonder why now?  I honestly thought she was already okay with it and had spoken out about it.

I guess I thought that she was already on board.  I remember her, early on as Secretary of State, making real efforts for gay employees.

I don't know.  This is a night where I probably should have called someone and asked them to blog for me.  I'm just really tired.

And in case I'm not clear, I fully support marriage equality.

(And if you're a new reader, at night lately, I'm just wiped out.  It's the pregnancy.)

And let me clear about one other thing: Though I thought Hillary was already for marriage equality, I am glad that she's formally announced the position.

This is C.I.'s "Iraq snapshot:"


 
March 18, 2013.  Chaos and violence continue, Human Rights Watch calls for an investigation into an assault on protesters, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon worries over the crises in Iraq, counter-insurgency finally gets some attention, Iraq Veterans Against the War get ready for their event tomorrow, and more.


 In Iraq, the US-led Iraq War has been awful for women.   Women for Women International's Zainab Salbi offers a column on Iraq:

On the political front, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has not appointed a single woman to a senior cabinet position, despite the fact women are guaranteed 25% of the seats in parliament by the constitution. The Ministry of Women's Affairs, a poorly-funded and mostly ceremonial department, is the lone ministry headed up by a woman.
Constitutionally, women were able to secure the ability to pass their citizenship on to their children by non-Iraqi husbands, making Iraq one of a handful Arab countries with such a provision for their female citizens.
But on the other hand, women are no longer guaranteed equal treatment under one law in terms of marriage, divorce, inheritance and custody. That law, the Family Statutes Law, has been replaced one giving religious and tribal leaders the power to regulate family affairs in the areas they rule in accordance with their interpretation of religious laws.


Saturday, the Guardian published Peter Beaumont's look at life for Iraqi women.  Here he's speaking with Hanaa Edwar is with The Organisation of Women's Freedom in Iraq:


Despite women's rights being partially enshrined in Iraq's post-Saddam constitution, she is angry that Iraq's women have been politically sidelined, that women are increasingly under-represented.
"In 2005, there were six women ministers. Now there is only one – the minister for women! Women are being marginalised in civil society as well. We spent two years drafting a law on domestic violence only to see it get stuck in the Shura [state] council. We have also been working on a strategy for the advancement of women's issues. Two years ago, the prime minister said he supported it. But it's just talk. There's no reality.
"There is still phenomenal violence against women as well as sexual harassment. I've been hearing about cases of rape in prison during interrogations. It's alarming. Terrible. And it is police officers who are doing it. There's also the issue of the religious culture we have here, which supports women being disciplined by their husbands and only considers women in terms of marriage ."
Edwar is worried about the future once again, having lived through the sectarian war and its excesses.
"I think now we're reaching a critical moment again. A moment of great danger. What we need is a new political movement. New blood. New thinking. The current generation [which has dominated Iraqi politics in recent years] has fixed religious ideas. They want to impose the past on the future.["]


While they addressed reality, others furthered lies.  Take Susan Glazer and Foreign Policy.  They're a little late for an Iraq roundtable, aren't they? 

And I'd say that even if Saturday morning hadn't found this community again doing an Iraq Roundtable:

"Iraq Roundtable," "Iraq roundtable,"  "Talking Iraq roundtable," "The roundtable on Iraq." "a roundtable on iraq," "Iraq," "Roundtable on Iraq,"  "A roundtable on Iraq,"  "The Iraq Roundtable," "The Iraq Roundtable,"  "The Iraq Roundtable," "Iraq Roundtable," "Talking Iraq Roundtable," "Talking Iraq" and "THIS JUST IN! IRAQ!"

To be clear, Foreign Policy's roundtable, that garbage, isn't about Iraq, it's about counter-insurgency.  I find it interesting, for example, that the Washington Post allows Greg Jaffe to participate in that.  Greg's supposed to be a reporter for the Washington Post.  As such he has to report on various things.  I don't see how his embrace of counter-insurgency can be seen as neutral.  The whole thing is an infomercial for counter-insurgency.  That's war on a native population, for those who don't know.  They try to pretty it up and distance it from the blood and bones, but that is what counter-insurgency is.  And with the exception of Eliot Cohen, they're all a bunch of liars.

I'm not a fan of Cohen's and honestly didn't expect honesty from him, but he's the only one who was willing to drop the airy pose and talk about what counter-insurgency really is:


The first thing is just to remind us all, counterinsurgency is a kind of military operation. There's an American style to counterinsurgency; there was a German style to counterinsurgency; there's a Soviet or Russian style to counterinsurgency. It's just a kind of operation that militaries do, and I think particularly in the popular discussion there's this tendency to call counterinsurgency the kind of stuff that's in the manual.
[. . .]
And finally, having played a very modest role in helping get the COIN manual launched, I've got two big reservations about it. Actually three. One is a technical one, which is it underestimated the killing part of counterinsurgency and particularly what Stan McChrystal and his merry men were doing [with special operations]. I think that is a large part of our counterinsurgency success. We killed a lot of the people who needed to be killed, or captured them, and that's not something you want to talk about. You'd rather talk about building power plants and stuff, but the killing part was really important, and I think we have to wrestle with that one because it's obviously problematic.

Cohen doesn't lie, he doesn't try to pretty it up.  He's detailing counter-insurgency.  It's worth remembering the 2007 saw counter-insurgency especially take root in Iraq.  Cohen joins the administration in March 2007 (as Condi's advisor and in April becomes Counselor to the State Department).  Cohen's words are what they're all signing off on -- Greg Jaffe included.  I disagree strongly with Cohen about counter-insurgency being something of value.  But I will give him credit for being honest about what it actually is: "We killed a lot of the people who needed to be killed, or captured them, and that's not something you want to talk about."

Not many do.  In our roundtable, I noted Stan's "What the US government did in Iraq" and asked him if he wanted to talk about it and the response he makes is that he just wants to be on the record as opposed to counter-insurgency because so few people will take a stand.  He is so right.  This week's Law and Disorder Radio,  an hour long program that airs Monday mornings at 9:00 a.m. EST on WBAI and around the country throughout the week, hosted by attorneys Heidi Boghosian, Michael S. Smith and Michael Ratner (Center for Constitutional Rights), the topic of counter-insurgency was addressed with journalist Patrick Farrelly who was part of the  BBC Arabic and the Guardian newspaper investigative team behind the recent documentary entitled James Steele: America's Mystery Man In Iraq. 



Patrick Farrelly:  I think we have to go back to Iraq in 2004.  The Bush administration -- it was becoming very, very clear to them that the projections they had made about how they'd be welcomed in Iraq were just not true, the insurgency was growing at this extraordinary rate, more and more American soldiers were being killed and it looked like the insurgency was at that point, in the spring of 2004, just getting off the ground. So they really needed something.  They needed a new strategy.  They were stuck in a situation where, while they had a lot of troops on the ground, they really had very few people who actually spoke Arabic and there were very few people who actually knew anything about the insurgency.  So this is where they turned to, initially, actually, General [David] Petraeus because the one thing that we've got to remember about General Petreaus -- I know that in the press and among the think tanks in Washington, he is seen as the scholar warrior, but in essence, David Petraeus' position in the US military is as a guy who is a big, big advocate of counter-insurgency.  It was at this point that Rumsfeld called upon him to go back into Iraq and to organize the training of a pretty massive police force in Iraq.  And he went there and straight away he saw the opportunities in terms of counter-insurgency because he saw this massive force that they could actually use to fight the insurgency.  He hooked up with two people there.  One was a gay -- both Special Forces veterans -- one was a guy called Colonel James Coughman and the other, more importantly, is a guy called Colonel James Steele.  Steele's a fascinating character because he had been involved in the Vietnam War where, of course, counter-insurgency had a major, major outing.  It's reputation in the US military at that stage was not very good in terms of the experience in Vietnam.  He then emerges again in El Salvador in the 1980s as head of the MIll Group.

Michael Ratner: The Mill Group is what?


Patrick Farrelly:  Is a bunch of US military advisers who were essentially training elements of what we might call the Steele Salvadorian security forces to fight the FMLN [Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front] to fight the guerrillas.  I mean, we all know what happened there.  Enormous amounts of people were killed by these people, enormous amounts of people were tortured. But Colonel James Steele was the guy who was in charge of the American advisers who are training these people and also directing these forces.  So while most people would have viewed what happened in El Salvador as a human rights disaster, within the annals of American military history it was seen as a very, very successful counter-insurgency adventure.


In 2004, they begin training Iraqi forces.  In 2006 they want to bring in Sunnis to fight Sunnis.  Though they announce the Sahwa many times, it does not take off immediately.

Once it does, questions are asked about why the US is paying them -- Senator Barbara Boxer argues that if this is for protection then the Iraqi government should be paying for it.  But the US government used taxpayer dollars to take counter-insurgency to a new level in Iraq.  That period is the ethnic cleansing period.

The press likes to call it 'civil war.'  That term implies that Iraq rose up against Iraq and eliminates any outside, foreign actors.

It was ethnic cleansing.

Why didn't the US leave after Saddam Hussein was toppled?  Or after he was executed?

Because that wasn't the end.  The end was installing a government that they deemed friendly (a puppet government) and this gets to the heart of counter-insurgency.  It's not benevolent, it's not anthropology -- though anthropologists have disgraced themselves by taking part in it.  It is choosing sides.  It is saying, "This is the side that we will rise up and this is the side we will demonize."  The US couldn't leave because there was still work to be done.

Kieren Kelly (BRussels Tribune) feels that the documentary left a great deal out and this is from his essay and critique:


Death squads, by nature, are not a military tactic whatever their “counterinsurgency” or “counterterror” pretensions. Indeed, to the best of my knowledge, it is a universal trait for death squad programmes to seek to conflate combatant targets with non-combatant. This is not restricted to death squad activity itself, but it part of the belligerent political discourse of the putative counterinsurgent regime. During the Cold War, the enemies were the “communists” and deliberate efforts were made to create the impression that the ideological identification was equivalent to combatant status, at least in as much as legitimising killing. The same applies to the uses of the terms “Islamist” and “militant”. Part of this process is to divide the world up into two camps – as Bush Jr said “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists”.
But Bush wasn't stating anything new. Early in the Cold War, in Guatemala the motto was “'For liberation or against it.' From this Manichean vision sprung the paranoid anti-communist taxonomy that added to the list of enemies not only communists, but 'philocommunists,' 'crypto-communists,' 'castro-communists,' 'archi-communists,' 'pro-communists,' and finally the 'useful fools.'”13 In 1962, the US Joint Chiefs of Staff defined “insurgency” as any illegal form of opposition to regime rule, thus including passive resistance, joining banned unions or strikes, or anything else deemed illegal by a given regime. At this time they openly embraced terror tactics, such as those conducted by death squads, as “counterterror”.14 In South Vietnam, before there was any armed insurgency, the Diem regime conducted an horrific terror (seemingly forgotten to history) thought to have cost 75,000 lives.15 Mobile guillotines traveled the countryside to execute those denounced as communists and the campaign came to a head in 1959 with the notorious Decree 10/59 under which all forms of political opposition were made treason and any act of sabotage was punishable by death. Local officials could label anyone they wished “communist” and thus secure summary sentences of death or life imprisonment.16 Then, the US deliberately created the term Viet Cong, to conflate political dissent with combatant status, and then, when their own personnel began to reinterpret VC as referring solely to combatants, the US military then came up with another term – 'Viet Cong infrastructure'. Prados defines them as “a shadowy network of Viet Cong village authorities, informers, tax collectors, propaganda teams, officials of community groups, and the like, who collectively came to be called the Viet Cong Infrastructure (VCI).” “Sympathizers” were also counted.17 It was the “VCI” that were the main supposed targets of the “Phoenix Programme” - the US run dedicated death squad programme. Those targeted were usually tortured and/or killed,18 so the programme was a war crime in any respect, but when it was expanded throughout South Viet Nam, it was run in such a way that the vast majority of victims were not in any manner involved with the NLF. Instead of using specific intelligence to target people with at least some known connection to the NLF, lists of names were coerced from detainees physically. Cash incentives were also offered for informers, while President Thieu used the programme to kill political rivals.19 “Neutralizations” resulting from the programme were about 20,000 each year. In 1969, out of a US figure of 19,534 “neutralizations” less than 150 were believed to be senior NLF cadres and only 1 (one) had been specifically targeted.20
In Argentina most victims were not guerillas but union leaders, young students, journalists, pacifists, nuns, priests and friends of such people. 21% of victims were students; 10.7% were professionals and 5.7% were teachers or professors. 10% were Jews who were tortured in specific anti-Semitic ways. CIA noted at the time the use of “torture, battlefield 'justice,' a fuzzing of the distinction between active guerilla and civilian supporter...arbitrary arrest... death 'squads'....” Generals increasingly come to understand the threats as being Peronism and unionism. “One Argentine general is quoted as having said that 'in order to save 20 million Argentines from socialism, it may be necessary to sacrifice 50,000 lives.'”21 General Jorge Rafael Videla defined his “enemy” in the following terms: “a terrorist is not only someone with a weapon or a bomb, but anyone who spreads ideas which are contrary to our western and Christian civilization.”22


It's about killing.  It's playing God and deciding who will live and who will die, who will rise and who will fall while pretending that you're letting Iraqis determine their own fate.  Not unlike in 2010, when Iraqis went to the voting centers and made their voice clear only to be overridden by the US White House which insisted that Nouri al-Maliki would have a second term as prime minister even though his State of Law came in second.  To do that, the White House had to find a way around the Constitution.  So they came up with The Erbil Agreement.  Considering all the trouble that's led to, some might argue forcing Iraqis at gunpoint might have been kinder.  Of course, the humane and adult thing to do is to let a people exercise self-determination.  But whether it's a Democrat in the White House or a Republican, they always think they know better than anyone else what should be done.  That's why they are so very wrong, so very often.

Hugh White (The Age) reports, "John Howard has no regrets about Iraq.  He maintains he was right to commit us to the invasion ten years ago today."  The opinion isn't shared by everyone.  Today, Andrew Dugan (Gallup) notes, "Fifty-three percent of Americans believe their country "made a mistake sending troops to fight in Iraq" and 42% say it was not a mistake." And in England?  Merco Press reports a new "survey by King's College London (KCL) and Ipsos Mori [which] showed that some 52% said the war had damaged UK's standing."

John Howard was Prime Minister of Australia.  A lot of people don't know that.  He wasn't a very large figure on the international stage.  But he did drag Australia into the war.   What a proud moment for him today must be as the United Nations News Centre notes:

Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, in a new report, voices concern about political tensions and security incidents in Iraq, which have increased in recent months, and calls on all parties to resolve outstanding issues through dialogue.
Separately, Mr. Ban and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, António Guterres, today welcomed a generous offer by Albania of humanitarian admission for 210 residents from Camp Hurriya, located near the Iraqi capital, Baghdad.
[. . .] More generally, Mr. Ban writes in the report that the security environment in Iraq remained “volatile and unpredictable” in recent months, fuelled by political and sectarian tensions.
He appeals to all parties to intensify their efforts to find solutions to longstanding political, legislative and legal issues through dialogue and in a spirit of compromise and flexibility.
The protests that erupted in late December in various parts of the country, as well as the relations between the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government, which deteriorated in late November over the issue of security coordination in the disputed territories, has presented “major challenges” for the Government of Iraq ahead of the upcoming governorate council elections scheduled for 20 April, notes Mr. Ban.
He urges the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to resume dialogue, noting that transparent and accountable sharing of power and resources is essential for ensuring further political stability, economic growth and prosperity for all. “There is no alternative to peaceful coexistence in a united federal Iraq,” he stresses.
Commenting on the upcoming elections, Mr. Ban urges the relevant authorities to ensure the fair representation of women and minorities in elected bodies, including by adopting the recommendation of the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) that a 25 per cent quota for women be enshrined in the electoral laws, applicable to all elections.

I have refrained from criticizing United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.  In part because he does so little with regards to Iraq that he doesn't pop up too often in the snapshots to begin with.  But this nonsense about how there must be "fair representation of women and minorities?"  You know where else they are supposed to be represented fairly?  The once independent electoral commission.  That wasn't years ago.  That was mere months.  There's only one woman who was appointed to that body in violation of the body's own rules.  Instead of calling that out, the UN happily accepted it.

So let's quit pretending that Ban Ki-moon's 'urging' of representation means a damn thing or makes any kind of difference.

Now let's move to the other issue, he wants the sides to talk?

Since December 21st, Speaker of Parliament Osama al-Nujaifi and Iraqi President Jalal Talabani have been calling for a national conference.

Now I don't mean, 'since a few months ago.'  That's December 21, 2011.  Over a year.  And the only one preventing this entire time has been Prime Minister and Thug Nouri al-Maliki -- aka Little Saddam.   If you're not getting how long this has been going on, maybe we should drop back a year?  March 18, 2012 was a Sunday.  So let's go to March 19, 2012 which was a Monday.  From that day's snapshot:


The political crisis has been going on for some time.  The briefest explanation goes like this.


1) March 2010 elections are held.  Nouri's State of Law comes in second to Ayad Allawi's Iraqiay.  Per the Constitution, Iraqiya should have first dibs on forming a coalition.


2) Nouri bitches, whines and moans and has the US backing him so he's able to be a big baby for eight long months as Iraq cannot move forward, cannot do a thing.  This is Political Stalemate I and this is where Barack Obama made the mistake and owns the tragedy that is Iraq.


3) Ayad Allawi may be a monster, may be Ned Flanders from The Simpsons, I don't know and I don't care.  I do care that we have free and fair elections.  I do care that when we tell Iraqis that they can solve their problems at the ballot box, we listen to what their votes say.  Nouri's second place showing wasn't a surprise.  Iraqis were moving towards a national identity and that was reflected in the 2009 provincial elections.  The 2010 elections merely confirmed the trend. 


4) A national identity would go a long way towards healing the rifst and allowing the country to come together.  Instead of encouraging that, instead of respecting the votes of the Iraqi people, the White House backed Nouri al-Maliki -- already known for running secret prisons as documented time and again by the outstanding reporting of Ned Parker for the Los Angeles Times.  They could have backed the Iraqi people.  Without the US support, Nouri wouldn't have been able to dig his heels in for 8 months.


5) Backing Nouri included telling Iraqiya and the Kurds and others that it really was best for Nouri to stay on as prime minister and, if you'll agree to that, you'll get this.  "This" was outlined in the US-brokered Erbil Agreement that the political blocs signed off on in November 2010.  This ended Political Stalemate I.  Parliament finally had a real session.  Jalal Talabani was named President, Tareq al-Hashemi and Adil Abdul-Mahdi were named Vice Presidents.  (All three held those positions before the 2010 election.) Nouri was named prime minister-designate.  This is why Iraqis, in the immediate press that followed, began asking (and would continue for months after to ask), "Why did we even bother to vote?  Nothing changed."  Was to piss on the promise democracy, Barack Obama.  Way to instill a belief in the power of the vote.


7) Nouri does what he always does, stalls.  And after a month, he's wrongly moved from prime minister-designate to prime minister (he did not name a full Cabinet, the Constitution says you name a Cabinet, not part of one, not half of one, a Cabinet) or someone else is immediately named prime minister-designate.  At this point, Political Stalemate II has started.  Nouri is not holding the Kirkuk census and referendum as promised to the Kurds to get them on board with the Erbil Agreement, Nouri is not naming Allawi to an independent security committee as promised to get Iraqiya on board with the Erbil Agreement. 


8) He stalls and he stalls.  And has no intention of living up to the Erbil Agreement.  If you want to talk about violence -- three ministries are security ministries: Interior, Defense and National Security.  Nouri makes himself the head of all three by refusing to nominate people for the three posts.  That's 13 months -- during which violence has increased -- that Iraq's three security posts have been empty.


9) Over the summer, the Kurds get tired of Nouri's excuses and call for him to return to the Erbil Agreement.  Iraqiya joins the call.  Other elements including Moqtada al-Sadr join the call.


10) With Nouri ignoring that call, Iraqiya announces their boycott, he calls for Deputy Prime Minister Saleh al-Mutlaq (Sunni and a member of Iraqiya) to be stripped of his office, Vice President al-Hashemi goes to the KRG on business, Nouri insists that al-Hashemi is a terrorist and swears out an arrest warrant.  (Adil Abdul-Mahdi bailed on the nonsense over the summer noting the corruption in Nouri's government after Nouri asked for 100 days to address the corruption -- another stall tactic from Nouri -- and then 100 days later attempted to pretend like something would be done.  Abdul-Mahdi has used the time since to play diplomat, traveling throughout Iraq and meeting with various groups.)  This is when the press pays attention.  December 19th.  Now on December 16th, Nouri had tanks circling the homes and offices of various members of Iraqiya -- a detail only the Washington Post's Liz Sly bothered to report. ("In recent days, the homes of top Sunni politicians in the fortified Green Zone have been ringed by tanks and armored personnel carriers, and rumors are flying that arrest warrants will be issued for other Sunni leaders.")


11) Iraqiya called off their boycott when Blinken begged them to and promised them that the Erbil Agreement would be honored.  A detail Blinken leaves out.  It's not one history will leave out.  It's cute the way he erases his own involvement, isn't it?  He got a boycott ended.  That's it.  The problems still remain and if he and Joe Biden can't make good on this round of promises, Iraqiya's going to start talking as badly about the administration as the Kurds are.  (And, like the Kurds, they will have good reason to do so.)


The only thing that ends the crisis is a return to the Erbil Agreement.  Nouri doesn't want to do that.  When he doesn't want to do something he stalls and stalls some more.  He wasn't supposed to become Prime Minister without a full Cabinet, but he's 15 months into this term and still has never appointed a Minister of the Interior, a Minister of Defense or a Minister of National Security.


Any reference to Blinken above refers to Antony Blinken who was then under US Vice President Joe Biden but is now Deputy National Security Adviser to US President Barack Obama.

Nouri is the problem and you inflame the problem when you pretend otherwise.  When one person refuses to budge and you start saying, "C'mon, everybody, let's all give a little"?  The other sides already gave.  This is not about fairness.  If it were about fairness the United Nations would be calling upon Nouri to honor the contract he signed (The Erbil Agreement), to implement Article 140 (as the Kurds want and the Constitution demands).  It's not about fairness and the other players should cease to give in until Nouri starts giving in.  They've been mature.  They've been adults.  Nouri has been a spoiled brat and you do not reward that behaivor unless you want more of it.


Human Rights Watch issued the following early this morning:

Iraqi authorities should order an immediate, transparent, and independent investigation into lethal police and army shootings of anti-government protesters on March 8, 2013, and others in recent weeks. The authorities should also ensure that those responsible for unlawful killings or excessive force are brought to justice.
Police may have killed one person and wounded others when they fired on protesters in Mosul on March 8, 2013. Soldiers who opened fire on demonstrators in Fallujah on January 25 killed nine people. Human Rights Watch on March 9 interviewed witnesses to the Mosul shootings, who said soldiers also searched and harassed demonstrators as they approached the protest site and tried to prevent ambulances from carrying away wounded people.
“Iraqi authorities need to intervene before further lives are lost,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Security forces are repeatedly opening fire on protesters. The government needs to find out why and hold anyone responsible for excessive use of force to account.”
The March 8 protest in Mosul was one of the ongoing regular demonstrations that have gripped Iraq’s predominantly Sunni provinces since December 2012, when government security forces arrested 10 bodyguards of Finance Minister Rafi al-Essawi, a Sunni. The demonstrations, called to protest what the Sunni demonstrators say is their unfair treatment by the government and the imprisonment of Sunnis on little or no evidence, were initially largely without incident . On January 25, however, soldiers fired at protesters in Fallujah after they threw rocks at soldiers, killing nine. Since then, soldiers and police have fired on several demonstrations, including the one in Mosul on March 8. One protester, Mahmoud Saleh Yassin, died and nine others were wounded.
Witnesses to the Mosul shootings told Human Rights Watch that federal police officers opened fire with live ammunition after protesters began throwing stones at them. It is unclear whether the police gave any warning before opening fire. This contrasts with the version of events provided by the Interior Ministry later that day, which accused “infiltrators” among the protesters with Kalashnikov rifles of starting the shooting and provoking the use of live fire by the federal police. The ministry said it had appointed an investigative committee to look into the matter further but was silent as to whether police fire had killed Yassin.



As we noted at Third yesterday, "Human Rights Watch is calling for  an investigation into the March 8th assault on protesters in Mosul.  This follows their call last month for an investigation into the January 25th assault on protesters in Falluja.  There has been no investigation into either.  In both cases, Prime Minister and Chief Thug Nouri al-Maliki's forces assaulted protesters.  There has been no condemnation of Nouri from the White House for these assaults."




Last  Thursday saw an attack on Baghdad's Ministry of Justice.  National Iraqi News Agency quotes Minister of Justice Hassan al-Shimmari stating at a press conference today that 30 people are dead and fifty injured.  Yesterday Omar al-Shaher (Al-Monitor) reported, "A Kurdish representative in the Iraqi parliament said that the minister of justice, his agents and the general managers in the ministry were not present in the building at the time of the attack. When asked whether they may have received warnings of a possible attack on the ministry, he replied, 'Perhaps'."  Over the weekend,  Al Mada reported that Parliament's Security and Defense Committee has received a response from the ministry about why the attacks took place?  The Ministry insists it was due to a lack of money and a lack of equipment.  The Iraq Times wondered, "Why target the Ministry of Justice?"  Al Rafidayn reported that the Ministry was targeted because it houses the files on prisoners due to be executed.   Kitabat reports that al-Shimmari declared at today's press conference in Baghdad that the death sentences would be carried out.  Al Rafidayn quotes him stating that they will return to carrying out death sentences starting next Sunday.


Today's violence?

Alsumaria reports a Baquba car bombing claimed 5 lives and left nineteen injured.  National Iraqi News Agency notes an early morning Tikrit roadside bombing left one person injured, a Mosul roadside bombing claimed the lives of 2 Iraqi soldiers and left a third injured,  a Kirkuk armed attack claimed the life of "a former army officer," an attack on a Badoosh military checkpoint claimed the life of 1 Iraqi soldier and left three more injured, a Nimrod home invasion left 1 police officer dead, and, dropping back to late last night,  1 Iraqi soldier was shot dead outside his Mosul home.


Prashant Rao (AFP) Tweets today:


At least 137 people killed, 425 wounded by violence in Iraq so far this month - tally:
Expand


Dahr Jamail reported on Iraq from Iraq.  He was one of the few unembedded Western reporters in Iraq.  Today, Dahr writes about Amnesty International's recent report:

Heba al-Shamary (name changed for security reasons) was released last week from an Iraqi prison where she spent the last four years.

"I was tortured and raped repeatedly by the Iraqi security forces," she told Al Jazeera. "I want to tell the world what I and other Iraqi women in prison have had to go through these last years. It has been a hell."

Heba was charged with terrorism, as so many Iraqis who are detained by the Iraqi security apparatus are charged.

"I now want to explain to people what is occurring in the prisons that [Prime Minister Nouri al-] Maliki and his gangs are running," Heba added. "I was raped over and over again, I was kicked and beaten and insulted and spit upon."

Heba's story, horrific as it is, unfortunately is but one example of what a recent report from Amnesty International refers to as "a grim cycle of human rights abuses" in Iraq today.

The report, "Iraq: Still paying a high price after a decade of abuses", exposes a long chronology of torture and other ill-treatment of detainees committed by Iraqi security forces, as well as by foreign troops, in the wake of the US-led 2003 invasion.

Speaking on condition of anonymity because her nephew remains in prison, an Iraqi woman told Al Jazeera how he was arrested by Iraqi security forces when he was 18-years-old, under the infamous Article Four which gives the government the ability to arrest anyone "suspected" of terrorism, and charged with terrorism.

In the United States, next week will see a major event from Iraq Veterans Against the War:



March 19th is the 10th Anniversary of the commencement of the War in Iraq, A war that ended quietly in December 2011 and was quickly and deeply forgotten by many. It's consequences, though, are far-reaching and very present. As we reach the watermark of a decade since the war began it seems a fitting time to have a frank discussion of what the war has wrought for those who have participated in it.

For the veterans of this decade of war and occupation it is far from over. Every single person in Iraq is a veteran of the war. Until they have reliable infrastructure, competent and non-corrupt governance, an environment cleared of biohazards and munitions, and sophisticated healthcare the war cannot begin to end.

Over two million US service members are veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars.
They came away from the experience with severe physical, mental and moral wounds that they will be coping with and overcoming for a lifetime, often with woefully inadequate support from the Department of Defense and the Veterans Administration.

Haider Hamza, Aaron Glantz and Antonia Juhasz are three journalists each with expertize in different areas of the war. They will share their stories and analysis of the war and its aftermath with respect to the costs to all its veterans, Iraqi and American.

Haider Hamza is an Iraqi journalist. “For most Americans the Iraq war is a thing of the past. The U.S. has withdrawn most of its troops from Iraq, and incidents that roiled newspaper headlines seem all but forgotten. But nearly 1 million Iraqis were killed in the course of the war, 3 million injured and more than 4 million displaced. For those still struggling from physical, economic and psychological wounds, the legacy from the Iraq war can seem impossible to forget.” Hamza lived through the 2003 invasion with his family near Babylon, south of Baghdad. In his early 20s, he was a TV producer and photo editor for ABC News and Reuters, among others. He covered many of the landmark events. He was embedded with U.S. military units covering combat operations throughout Iraq. He also covered the perspective of Iraqi armed resistance as a freelance journalist. He has seen the war through many lenses. In 2007 he won a Fulbright scholarship which brought him to the U.S. where he earned a Masters Degree in global security and conflict resolution from Columbia University. He was featured on NPR's "This American Life" in 2008 when he traveled across the country offering himself up to American citizens for conversation, more often receiving lectures in return.

Aaron Glantz is an American reporter covering veterans issues, among other things, for The Bay Citizen. Before joining TBC, Glantz spent seven years covering the war in Iraq and the treatment veterans receive when they come home. Glantz's reporting has been honored with numerous awards, including a 2010 national investigative reporting award from the Society of Professional Journalists for his coverage of veterans' suicides. He was awarded the Journalist of the Year Award in 2012 by the Northern California chapter of the Society of Professional Journalists for his investigative work in veterans’ issues.
He has been a Rosalynn Carter Fellow for Mental Health Journalism at the Carter Center, a DART Center Fellow for Journalism and Trauma at Columbia University Journalism School and a fellow at the Hechinger Institute on Education and the Media and Columbia University Teachers College.

He is author of three books, most recently The War Comes Home: Washington's Battle Against America's Veterans (UC Press 2009).


Antonia Juhasz is a leading oil and energy analyst, activist, journalist, and author. She has written three books, Black Tide: the Devastating Impact of the Gulf Oil Spill (Wiley, 2011); The Tyranny of Oil (HarperCollins, 2008); and The Bush Agenda (HarperCollins, 2006), and is currently working on her fourth. For over a decade, in writing and action, Juhasz has articulated the linkages between oil and the wars in Iraq. She is the recipient of a 2012-2013 Investigative Journalism Fellowship at the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism where she is investigating oil and natural gas and the Afghanistan war. Juhasz has also been published in the New York Times, International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, San Francisco Chronicle, The Atlantic, Petroleum Review Magazine, The Nation, Tikkun, and The Progressive, among other outlets. Juhasz holds a Masters Degree in Public Policy from Georgetown University and a Bachelors Degree in Public Policy from Brown University.






























 
 
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